{"id":48119,"date":"2010-07-05T15:35:10","date_gmt":"2010-07-05T19:35:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.cdhal.org\/es\/presse\/salvador-mining-resistance\/"},"modified":"2016-04-18T14:01:57","modified_gmt":"2016-04-18T18:01:57","slug":"salvador-mining-resistance","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.cdhal.org\/es\/salvador-mining-resistance\/","title":{"rendered":"El Salvador: Mining the Resistance"},"content":{"rendered":"

Disponible solamente en franc\u00e9s<\/em><\/p>\n

El Salvador: Mining the Resistance<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Gabriel Zucker<\/span><\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

\u201cUltimately,\u201d said Miguel Rivera, a soft-spoken man in his late twenties, \u201cwe are a family that has dedicated ourselves to helping the people with their needs and defending their rights. But in the process of denouncing the consequences of mining especially, I think there are people that will be your enemies.\u201d<\/p>\n

Rivera, a director of the Asociaci\u00f3n de Amigos de San Isidro Caba\u00f1as (ASIC), a human rights-based community organization in San Isidro, El Salvador, spoke from personal experience. Last June, his brother, and colleague, Marcelo went missing after a series of death threats linked to his opposition to gold mining in the region. A few weeks later, his body was found in a well, stripped of its fingernails, scalp, nose, and mouth.<\/p>\n

Despite repeated calls for justice, police never investigated the crime, and Marcelo turned out to be the first in a series of activists attacked that year. His murder was followed by two more assassination attempts in coming months, and then by the killing of two more anti-mining activists during the last week of December 2009.<\/p>\n

Ramiro Rivera G\u00f3mez, who survived an attempt on his life in August, was shot in his car on December 20, and Dora Alicia Recinos Sorto was gunned down six days later, as she returned from washing clothes at the river. Several other activists have narrowly escaped similar assassination attempts; even more have been moved into safe houses; and a few dozen have received personal death threats via e-mails and text messages throughout the year. All, so far, with relative impunity. While the authorities have yet to identify who planned the crimes, friends and colleagues of the victims roughly know who is behind the intimidation.<\/p>\n

\u201cThere is a company, Pacific Rim, interested in starting a mineral exploitation of gold and silver at El Dorado,\u201d said Chico Montes, director of the local human rights organization, la Asociaci\u00f3n de Desarrollo Econ\u00f3mico Social (ADES), referring to a site in the municipality of San Isidro in the northern Caba\u00f1as district. \u201cThe ministry has given them an exploration permit. And imagine the interest of those people who want to appropriate the wealth. So the explanation of the threats comes from there.\u201d<\/p>\n

The Canadian-owned Pacific Rim Mining Company has attempted to exploit a gold mine at El Dorado for the better part of a decade, and has been repeatedly thwarted in its efforts\u2014not least due to the resistance of organizations like ASIC and ADES. Now, apparently, the company\u2019s local allies have taken a more violent approach to removing that opposition.<\/p>\n

\u201cI believe it\u2019s a campaign of intimidation, and of course the same people are implicated in all of it,\u201d said Rivera. \u201cThey want to destroy the entire resistance.\u201d<\/p>\n

Allegedly, Marcelo\u2019s murder was carried out by four gang members who were reputedly paid $100,000 each for the job. As an activist in San Salvador pointed out bluntly, \u201cYou don\u2019t need half a brain to know who has that much money around here. It\u2019s the company.\u201d<\/p>\n

E-mail threats sent out late last year came from an address whose alias was \u201cexterminio pacificrim.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cTo me, if you connect the dots from Marcelo to Don Ramiro, it\u2019s very clear,\u201d said another activist, who wanted to remain anonymous out of fear of retribution. \u201cThose are two of the people who have had the most violence carried out against them, and they\u2019re both in key mining areas. So why has Pacific Rim not said anything? Why are they not calling for investigations into these murders and attacks?\u201d<\/p>\n

Pacific Rim, for its part, did not answer phone calls asking that question.<\/p>\n

El Dorado<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The mining story starts in the 1990s, when the Salvadoran government bowed to World Bank pressure and reformed its tax code to encourage foreign investment. El Salvador had never been a mining capital, but as strains of gold and silver were discovered throughout the region, companies began entering the country. In 2002, Pacific Rim acquired a project in San Isidro, known as El Dorado, and received an exploration permit to determine the mine\u2019s potential. Findings revealed an incredibly valuable mine\u2014estimated to be worth $3.3 billion in 2007, when gold prices were under two-thirds their current price. In 2004, Pacific Rim filed for a permit to exploit the mine.<\/p>\n

Metal mining throughout El Salvador, however, came under increasing criticism from nonprofit groups throughout the country, which argued that the mining activity would lead to widespread contamination of the surrounding environment and water supply, as it had in neighboring Guatemala and Honduras. Pacific Rim and the other mining companies denied these claims, but political sentiment quickly swung against the foreign corporations. Increasing numbers of community organizations came out against mining; eventually the Catholic Church followed suit. The government dragged its feet on the permit, spurred on by a February 2007 letter signed by several NGOs and forty-one U.S. Congresspeople. In March 2009, even the country\u2019s right-wing president El\u00edas Antonio Saca Gonz\u00e1lez came out against the mines. Several other mining companies became discouraged and left the country. Pacific Rim followed suit, at least temporarily, in July 2008.<\/p>\n

Five months later, however, Pacific Rim filed a notice of intent to sue the government of El Salvador for failing to provide the exploitation license and comply with the terms of the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA). (Because Canada is not a signatory to the treaty, Pacific Rim brought litigation through a U.S. subsidiary.) The suit, which calls for damages of $600 million and is scheduled for a hearing in early June 2010, will ultimately determine whether El Salvador can legally prevent mining within its own borders.<\/p>\n

In the meantime, however, the debate over mining is being carried out in an entirely separate\u2014and much more local\u2014arena. Pacific Rim has spent the last several years trying to achieve what its company literature refers to as its \u201csocial license\u201d in the country: \u201cearning the respect and approval of local stakeholders.\u201d To that end, the company invested in a range of social programs in Caba\u00f1as, spending $1 million, in 2007 alone, on community social initiatives.<\/p>\n

But to many in Caba\u00f1as, \u201csocial initiatives\u201d is not an accurate description of these projects, which are often administered independently by local mayors.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe group in power in our department is the right. So, Pacific Rim supported some politicians with money for projects,\u201d said Oscar Beltr\u00e1n, a producer for the community radio station Radio Victoria, which often broadcasts anti-mining messages. \u201cIt is a way for the company to control the mayors.<\/p>\n

\u201cIf I give you two million dollars for you to invest in the projects you want, and tomorrow I ask you to do something, you\u2019re going to do it,\u201d he explained frankly. \u201cThis is the role currently being played by several mayors in the department of Caba\u00f1as.\u201d<\/p>\n

It is not just the current largesse of the mining company that has won over some mayors in the region. Because Salvadoran law taxes corporate profit 1 percent at the local level and 1 percent at the federal level, the municipality of San Isidro would see its budget increase tenfold\u2014to $1 million\u2014if the project went through. The resulting proponents, say community leaders, are a unified front of local right-wing politicians and Pacific Rim.<\/p>\n

\u201cWhy does someone go looking for a post as mayor?\u201d asked Miguel Rivera. \u201cIt\u2019s a way of making money. Around here, the mayors are more than mayors, they are activists for the mining company,\u201d he added.<\/p>\n

It would hardly be the first indiscretion on the part of Caba\u00f1as mayors. Last January, several NGOs uncovered evidence that politicians were committing widespread electoral fraud. On election day, Marcelo Rivera and ASIC found a number of Hondurans (Caba\u00f1as is on the border) who said they had been paid $100 to cross into San Isidro and vote for thirteen-year mayor Jos\u00e9 Ignacio Bautista. Similarly, Radio Victoria reporters came across a group of Hondurans waiting to get DUIs (identification cards that allow Salvadoran citizens to vote) in Sensuntepeque, another city in the region.<\/p>\n

According to Miguel, ASIC was preparing a campaign to reveal the truth when their office was raided and their direct evidence was lost. Unsurprisingly, the local government did not investigate the robbery.<\/p>\n

Because of ASIC\u2019s actions, many in the area suspect that Bautista was the one who directly ordered Marcelo\u2019s murder. But Bautista is not the only implicated mayor. \u201cHere, at least four mayors from ARENA [Alianza Republicana Nacionalista] are related to this sort of thing,\u201d said Montes, referring to the right-wing party that is one of the country\u2019s two major parties.<\/p>\n

And mayors are not the only figures who were wooed with corporate money; according to Beltr\u00e1n, some local churches even started taking money from Pacific Rim. Eventually, however, the Catholic Church came out nationally against mining, and the priests cut off ties with the company. Indeed, national political sentiment has almost unanimously turned against mining. But, as the assassinations and intimidations suggest, Pacific Rim has not given up the battle for local influence. \u201cPacific Rim has invested more than $28 million in this country,\u201d said Beltr\u00e1n. \u201cThey\u2019re not going to want to give it up that easily.\u201d<\/p>\n

Orwellian Justice<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Luis Quintanilla, an outspoken leftist priest, very nearly became the second person killed in relation to this struggle in 2009, as he returned home on July 27 from his weekly radio program on Radio Victoria.<\/p>\n

\u201cMonday, the 27, I came to the radio at night,\u201d said Quintanilla, a youthful man with a thick beard. He explained that he was cut off on the road back to Sensuntepeque by a car that had been following him. With the road blocked, Quintanilla stopped his car.<\/p>\n

\u201cThen they opened the door,\u201d he explained.<\/p>\n

They told me to turn off my lights and leave the keys in the car. When I got out, I closed the door and locked it. They carried me towards their car. There were two of them\u2014one on each side\u2014and another stayed by my car, and another was driving, so they were four. All dressed in black, hooded, and armed. And one, that was next to me, was saying \u201cleave him to me here,\u201d and I understood that they were going to kill me. But the other said \u201cno, we\u2019re supposed to take him with us.\u201d They couldn\u2019t agree if they would do it there or if they would bring me somewhere else.<\/p>\n

And then in my car, the alarm went off. The one that was on one side of me went over to the car, and the group went to see what was going on, and I dove away. There was a ravine there\u2014I didn\u2019t know there was a ravine there, I just jumped.<\/p>\n

Quintanilla landed on his hands and knees and then ran until he was sure the men were not following him. He called friends, and soon paramedics and police arrived at the scene. The investigation that followed, however, was far from encouraging.<\/p>\n

\u201cThat same night, the police arrived,\u201d he continued,<\/p>\n

and they said, \u201cWell, did they hit you?\u201d And I said, \u201cno.\u201d They looked over the car, and they asked, \u201cDid they steal from you?\u201d And I said, \u201cno.\u201d \u201cAnd this dent on the car that you have here\u2014you already had it?\u201d \u201cI already had it.\u201d \u201cWell, then,\u201d they said, \u201cthey didn\u2019t hit you, they didn\u2019t hit your car, and didn\u2019t steal from you? Then nothing happened. If you want, you can bring charges. If not, nothing happened.\u201d And I said, \u201cHow is it that nothing happened? They were about to kill me.\u201d But they said no.<\/p>\n

Quintanilla, who has been involved in social projects since his student days in the 1980s, began producing radio programs when he was suspended by the Church in 2002 for his political views. He began attracting the ire of conservative forces in the country, he said, when he got his job back through the courts in 2004. A couple of years later, he received an anonymous message that said: \u201cSince you like to talk so much about Monse\u00f1or Romero and Father Rutilio Grande, we will make sure you go and keep them company.\u201d (Romero and Rutilio were outspoken populist priests who were assassinated in the years before the Salvadoran civil war.)<\/p>\n

The day after the attempted kidnapping, Quintanilla went to the district attorney\u2019s office where, due to those threats, there was already a case open on his behalf. But the attorney refused to connect the previous night\u2019s incident to that case.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe attorney said to me, \u2018given that since the noted date nothing has happened\u2019\u2014which is to say, that they haven\u2019t killed me\u2014\u2018we\u2019re going to close the case,\u2019\u201d said Quintanilla. \u201cI said \u2018no, on the contrary, I want you to continue, since things are still going on.\u2019 He told me \u2018Fine, but that would be a new claim.\u2019\u201d<\/p>\n

Quintanilla\u2019s was not the only case of Orwellian justice during the year. When Radio Victoria, after repeated death threats, asked the local police for officers to protect the station and its members, it was informed that there were not enough police officers available. (The national police ultimately supplied one officer for each of the six or seven people directly threatened, leading a national newspaper to report hyperbolically that an army of sixty officers was protecting the radio.) Earlier in July, police stated that Rivera had been murdered when a fight broke out between him and a group of gangsters he was drinking with\u2014despite the evident signs of torture on his body and the fact that Rivera did not drink.<\/p>\n

El Salvador has been controlled by an often corrupt right wing for over three decades, despite a twelve-year civil war, beginning in 1980. Last March, Mauricio Funes, a candidate from the left-wing FMLN (the party established by the guerillas in the 1992 peace treaty), finally won the presidency, bringing hope to the long-disenfranchised left-wing resistance that the government might finally be accountable to its people.<\/p>\n

In Caba\u00f1as, however, the political switch has gone in the opposite direction: for the first time in years, all nine municipalities in the region are controlled by ARENA. And the control of the municipalities, naturally, carries over into the justice system. \u201cOf course, the district attorney doesn\u2019t investigate anything because the district attorney has blood on his hands,\u201d said Montes. \u201cThey are interested in justifying. They\u2019re not interested in investigating.\u201d<\/p>\n

Edward Lara, a manager for Radio Victoria, who received a series of personal threats via text message throughout July, explained \u201cThere has been a change in the government, but at the base, here in the department, there has been no change. It\u2019s still like the time when the right was in the government.\u201d<\/p>\n

Radio correspondent Isabel G\u00e1mez likened the situation to the overtly violent days before and during the civil war\u2014a war in which many of the older activists fought as guerillas. \u201cThese are things of the past\u2014the persecution, the assassinations of people who are in positions of power in the organization,\u201d said G\u00e1mez. \u201cIt\u2019s like going back in time. We\u2019re regressing.\u201d<\/p>\n

Since the murder of Ramiro and Santoro in December, there were signs that the status quo could change. President Funes himself made a public declaration, connecting the latest murders to the events of the summer, and promised a full investigation.<\/p>\n

Whether Funes can navigate a national police force and justice department riddled with corruption, however, remains to be seen. \u201cI\u2019m somewhat hopeful, but at the same time I\u2019m afraid,\u201d said Quintanilla. \u201cNot afraid for what might happen to me\u2014afraid that we might fall into the same game, the same system that we have had for twenty years and even more.\u201d<\/p>\n

No to Mining, Yes to Life<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cMarcelo was a person whose life was dedicated to two things,\u201d said Miguel Rivera, speaking of his brother. \u201cOne was the work of social organization, and the other, perhaps, was being a political leader. And that is essentially what he did.\u201d<\/p>\n

Marcelo and Miguel\u2014who had \u201calways been a team,\u201d as Miguel put it, began their organizing work when Marcelo was eighteen and Miguel twelve. As students, they recognized that there was no good way to gather information in San Isidro. \u201cYou would need money to go to Sensunte or Ilobasco, because there was not a cultural center, or any place to inform yourself,\u201d said Miguel, referring to two cities, roughly half an hour away. \u201cWe created a San Isidro foundation for culture and art. It was a group of around twelve young people from twelve to eighteen years that wanted a space to get information, and also an organization for cultural and artistic work in the municipality.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cMarcelo was a person who liked art very much,\u201d said Montes. \u201cI remember that we contracted him, as [an] ADES [member], so that he could conduct theater workshops with the youth in Santa Marta. And later, we realized that he had political sympathies too.\u201d<\/p>\n

Marcelo and Miguel eventually moved their work to ASIC, an organization Miguel described as \u201cdedicated to supporting youth, and asserting the rights of the population.\u201d The organization also addresses \u201cissues of health, wells, people\u2019s access to water,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n

In this capacity, organizations such as ASIC have come to oppose the project of Pacific Rim. Extracting gold requires enormous amounts of cyanide, and El Dorado is located near the R\u00edo Lempa, which provides water for much of Caba\u00f1as and for San Salvador. Activists fear that the mining project will end in a catastrophic contamination of the water supply\u2014and they point to a precedent in Honduras, where mining indeed caused cyanide contamination, not to mention massive deforestation. Their widespread slogan\u2014seen on stickers, posters, and pamphlets\u2014reads \u201cno a la miner\u00eda, s\u00ed a la vida\u201d (\u201cno to mining, yes to life\u201d).<\/p>\n

Pacific Rim, which promises to meet or even exceed stringent environmental regulations in all its mining projects, denies these allegations. Their executives say they will be so carefully monitoring the water the mine discharges that the local streams may well be cleaner after the company begins operations at El Dorado. Also, they counter, the toxic mines in Honduras were open-pit mines, unlike the underground mining that the company would employ at El Dorado.<\/p>\n

Unfortunately, there has been no independent assessment of the environmental impact of mining at El Dorado, leaving the actual debate largely in the realm of speculation. Allegedly, various government ministers began working towards producing independent assessments in 2007 and 2008, but, as of today, nothing has come of them.<\/p>\n

Objective depictions of Salvadoran public opinion on mining have been equally hard to come by. Pacific Rim cites a January 2008 poll that showed 67 percent of respondents supported mining in some capacity, and only 30 percent were entirely opposed. In contrast, a survey conducted a few months earlier by the University of Central America found that 62.5 percent of respondents were opposed to mining in El Salvador.<\/p>\n

Pacific Rim also argues that the department of Caba\u00f1as will greatly benefit from the creation of hundreds of sustainable jobs\u2014no small benefit in an underdeveloped region. It is unclear, though, how long-term jobs could be connected to a mine that will not operate for more than a decade. The debate itself has not been rooted in much more than rhetoric. With the conflict headed for international legal resolution, empirical answers to the social and environmental impacts are needed before the question can be rationally addressed.<\/p>\n

Radio Victoria<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Radio Victoria, a roughly thirty-person operation run largely by youth from the area, is based in a plain, two-story cement building on the main street of Victoria, a quiet city on a hilltop. In the entry room, photo collages commemorating each of the radio\u2019s seventeen years hang on the walls, along with a photo of Monse\u00f1or Romero doing a radio broadcast. (One radio member laughed that \u201ca whole bunch of people\u201d asked if Romero had been on Radio Victoria, which was founded over a decade after his assassination.)<\/p>\n

\u201cIt was the end of the war, it was a time of transition, and it was very important for the community to have its own communication,\u201d said Cristina Starr, a U.S. expatriate and one of the radio\u2019s founders, thinking back on the radio\u2019s origins. \u201cAnd it\u2019s appropriate technology because you don\u2019t have to be able to read, and you can listen to the radio while you\u2019re doing anything. It accompanies you.\u201d<\/p>\n

While the radio has no professed ideology or political persuasion, its accountability to the community has made it a central forum for anti-mining messages for several years\u2014and a target for the mining company and its allies. As early as 2006, several members of the radio\u2019s news team received death threats. In 2007, Pacific Rim attempted to buy out the radio station, themselves.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe were having problems constructing our house. We were partway done, and Pacific Rim said, \u2018Look, we can finish constructing your building easily. And it\u2019d be better if you\u2019d like us to. And on top of that, we can give you another $8,000 a month.\u2019 So that we\u2019d give them publicity,\u201d said Beltr\u00e1n. \u201cAnd we said, \u2018Better that the house remain unfinished, that we never finish constructing it.\u2019\u201d<\/p>\n

In mid-summer 2009, the radio found itself at the center of a storm of threats and sabotage. By mid-July, three community correspondents for the station were put in safe houses after repeated threats left in voicemails and letters. Within the next two weeks, five members of the radio\u2019s news and production teams received direct personal threats, and the entire organization received a long e-mail that named several more threats. The radio\u2019s transmitter was sabotaged or stolen on several occasions, leaving the radio off the air for days at a time.<\/p>\n

\u201cThere were two straight days of threats and more threats,\u201d said G\u00e1mez, who was one of the most directly affected. One day in early August, as she was alone at the radio office, preparing for a 4:00 p.m. news dispatch, she received a phone call from a man who claimed to have been at her house the previous night, and who said he was now waiting for her outside. After a frantic series of phone calls to friends, other organizations, and the police, G\u00e1mez escaped the building, and she and her family were taken to a safe house.<\/p>\n

\u201cIt felt like things were getting out of control,\u201d said Starr, \u201cand you really felt like there were these dark forces there that were descending.\u201d While some of the threats lightened up after a few weeks, fears reignited after Ramiro\u2019s assassination, when several members of the radio received an e-mail from \u201cexterminio pacificrim.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cWell, we sent two into a hole, the question is, who will be the third,\u201d read the message. \u201cWe prefer that the third death be a radio announcer or a correspondent or whoever from this damn radio, the most secure target is an on-the-air announcer, be careful, we are not playing.\u201d<\/p>\n

Several days later, six armed and masked men appeared outside G\u00e1mez\u2019s house; ultimately, nothing happened, but only because G\u00e1mez was not at home. Despite the fear, Starr thought there was a silver lining in the threats. \u201cIt means that the radio really is carrying out its role,\u201d she said. \u201cI think that the important thing is to see it in the context of the social movement in Caba\u00f1as, which of course is connected to the larger social movement in El Salvador.\u201d<\/p>\n

Quintanilla, too, connected the intimidation to a bigger picture. \u201cThe threatened ones are not just the individuals themselves. We see this situation as an attempt to decapitate the social movement,\u201d he said. \u201cWhat they do is cut off the head. Yes, we are the focus, but it\u2019s not just against us; rather, it\u2019s against all the people with us.\u201d<\/p>\n

Born to Defend the People<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

On a Friday afternoon last August in Santa Marta, a village of three thousand people, half an hour from Victoria, a group of teenagers was collecting near the main plaza. Having finished classes for the week, they were waiting for a truck that would carry them to Victoria, where they would spend the night, keeping watch over the Radio Victoria building, which faced threats of arson.<\/p>\n

\u201cAt the same time that it\u2019s been scary, it\u2019s been so moving to see how people from Santa Marta have responded,\u201d said Starr. The delegations, usually consisting of ten to twelve people, came to the radio every night for nearly four months. In that way and many others, the threats at the radio have revealed the strength of the organizing spirit in Caba\u00f1as.<\/p>\n

\u201cI\u2019ve talked to some of the youth like Oscar and Jaime and I go \u2018are you scared?\u2019\u201d Starr continued. \u201cAnd they say, \u2018Oh, yeah, I\u2019m scared.\u2019 They say things like, \u2018Well, you\u2019ve got to die sometime, you know?\u2019 It almost sounds flippant but they\u2019re actually really sincere. They\u2019re actually really saying, if we\u2019re going to die at some point and we have to die for something. That\u2019s how they see it, that\u2019s the level of commitment and dedication. It\u2019s not just a radio; it\u2019s part of this whole movement.\u201d<\/p>\n

Asked about the future of the radio, none of the members hesitated. \u201cTo close the radio, or to abandon the work that we have done up to this point would be to comply with the objectives of the people that are threatening us,\u201d said Beltr\u00e1n.<\/p>\n

\u201cWe exist and we were born to defend the rights of the people, and that\u2019s how we\u2019re going to continue,\u201d said Lara. \u201cAnd if that involves risking ourselves, we only hope that the population supports us, and helps us to protect ourselves. Really, the fear is very great\u2014as much personal as familial. Sometimes you\u2019re here doing the work, and you\u2019re thinking about your family, and that, any moment, something will have happened. But the thing is to continue, not hesitate in this, because it is a project that has greatly served the social, economic, and human development of the communities, the community organizations, and the empowerment of the people.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cOne must recognize that this project of protecting human rights is a project that some groups don\u2019t like, one must recognize that,\u201d said Montes. \u201cAnd these economic and political groups will act, and they will try to shut up the voices of dissent. In the department, we are very cognizant of this\u2014but we\u2019re not going to stop. We\u2019re going to keep doing our work, defending human rights, and denouncing the violence.\u201d<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\n\tEl Salvador: Mining the Resistance<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\n\tGabriel Zucker<\/span><\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

\n\t\u00a0<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":45514,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[9534],"tags":[],"type-activite":[],"class_list":["post-48119","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-noticia"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nEl Salvador: Mining the Resistance - Comit\u00e9 pour les droits humains en Am\u00e9rique latine<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.cdhal.org\/salvador-mining-resistance\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"es_ES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"El Salvador: Mining the Resistance - Comit\u00e9 pour les droits humains en Am\u00e9rique latine\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"El Salvador: Mining the Resistance Gabriel Zucker \u00a0\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.cdhal.org\/salvador-mining-resistance\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Comit\u00e9 pour les droits humains en Am\u00e9rique latine\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/pages\/Comite-pour-les-droits-humains-en-Amerique-latine\/154761649747\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2010-07-05T19:35:10+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2016-04-18T18:01:57+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/www.cdhal.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2015\/02\/no-image.png\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"520\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"280\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/png\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Actions Urgentes\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:creator\" content=\"@CDHAL\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@CDHAL\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Escrito por\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Actions Urgentes\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Tiempo de lectura\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"22 minutos\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.cdhal.org\\\/salvador-mining-resistance\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.cdhal.org\\\/salvador-mining-resistance\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Actions Urgentes\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.cdhal.org\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/f1fccb9b1c46856e6215fc443ca7ec30\"},\"headline\":\"El Salvador: Mining the Resistance\",\"datePublished\":\"2010-07-05T19:35:10+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2016-04-18T18:01:57+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.cdhal.org\\\/salvador-mining-resistance\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":4488,\"commentCount\":0,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.cdhal.org\\\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.cdhal.org\\\/salvador-mining-resistance\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.cdhal.org\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2015\\\/02\\\/no-image.png\",\"articleSection\":[\"Noticia\"],\"inLanguage\":\"es\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.cdhal.org\\\/salvador-mining-resistance\\\/#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.cdhal.org\\\/salvador-mining-resistance\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.cdhal.org\\\/salvador-mining-resistance\\\/\",\"name\":\"El Salvador: Mining the Resistance - 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